http://www.alternet.org/story.html?StoryID=18735
Top 10 Conspiracy
Theories of 2003-2004
By Mike Ward, AlterNet, May
18, 2004
On August 6, 2001, while vacationing in Crawford,
Texas, George Bush received an intelligence briefing called "Bin
Laden Determined to Strike in U.S." It included revelations that
al Qaeda members were conducting "surveillance of federal buildings
in New York"; the World Trade Center was mentioned in the first paragraph,
the prospect of terrorist "retaliat[ion] in Washington" in the
second. According to the briefing, Osama bin Laden's organization was
acting in ways "consistent with preparations for hijackings or other
types of attacks, including recent surveillance of federal buildings in
New York."
But Bush must have had headphones on, because 36 days later when he saw
Flight 11 fly into the World Trade Center, he claims his first thought
was, "There's one terrible pilot." Even after the second crash
Bush assures us he was unsure what was going on: "I grew up in a
period of time where the idea of America being under attack never entered
my mind."
The attacks of 9-11 have since been used to justify two military actions
that the government has chosen to call "wars," the more recent
of which a "pre-emptive," which is to say unprovoked,
assault on Iraq has yielded American soldiers their bloodiest two
weeks of combat since 1971. Odd, then, that every expressed reason for
the Bush administration's massive and deadly undertaking in Iraq, most
conspicuously Saddam Hussein's alleged weapons of mass destruction, has
evaporated under scrutiny. In fact, the only thing we know for sure is
that the invasion isn't about oil. Tony Blair, among others, has been
quite clear on this: any attempt to explain the war in Iraq as an oil
war is a "conspiracy theory."
This makes one wonder whether other so-called conspiracy theories might
be more worthy of consideration than we've been led to believe. Some months
ago I wrote an article originally published in Popmatters magazine about
this. In light of subsequent events, the time was right to revisit it
particularly since the political climate in America, with its indefinite
detentions and pointless color-coded alerts, has taken a more Orwellian
turn than anyone ever imagined possible.
1. Prior Warnings.
Right after September 11, rumors began floating around that World Trade
Center employees of the Jewish faith had been mysteriously alerted to
stay home that fateful morning. This racist fantasy had an equally ugly
counterpart among anti-Islamic reactionaries: that Muslims the world over
knew of the 9-11 attacks in advance and managed, en masse and in their
millions, to keep it a complete secret.
Such bizarre hearsay about collective foreknowledge has many unpleasant
effects, not the least of which is to delegitimize an otherwise worthy
question: was anyone told beforehand that something shocking might happen
on or around 9-11? It turns out quite a few people claim to have received
such warnings. Although the mainstream press tends to mention these accounts
in isolation or attribute them to uncanny serendipity, when taken together
they cry out for further explanation.
The airport security service for San Francisco mayor Willie Brown, for
example, had contacted him eight hours prior to the strikes and warned
him not to fly, and controversial author Salman Rushdie also claims to
have gotten warnings before September 11 not to take to the tarmac. As
reported in the Sept. 24, 2001 issue of Newsweek, several employees at
the Pentagon cancelled their flight plans the night of September 10, citing
"security concerns." And last but not least, Justice Department
head John Ashcroft had stopped flying commercial aircraft two months before
9-11. Why? The FBI cited an unfavorable "threat assessment"
but after September 11 has been unwilling to elaborate on this.
2. What Was With That Handshake, Anyway?
As I write a scandal is unfolding at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, where
American soldiers are accused of torturing and brutally humiliating prisoners,
possibly at the behest of military intelligence officers. In a particularly
bitter irony, Abu Ghraib was once a favored torture chamber of Saddam
Hussein, a fact that leads some to ask whether there are actually any
good guys in the U.S.-Iraq conflict.
There are more reasons than this to wonder. Where Iraq's human rights
violations are concerned, U.S. foreign policy has long been sterner in
rhetoric than in deed, dating back at least to the 1980s when many
Bush administration figures were dealing with Iraq on behalf of then-president
Reagan. Among these were Mideast envoy Donald Rumsfeld, whose 1983 meeting
with Hussein resulted in a videotaped handshake that has since crossed
the world countless times on the Internet. Speculation abounds as to what
may have transpired at this meeting, but one thing is certain: at the
time Hussein was employing chemical weapons almost daily in his hideous
war with Iran. In 2003 the Bush administration referred to these gas attacks
as part of its justification for invasion, but for whatever reason it
has taken 20 years for Rumsfeld et al. to discover their own outrage over
these horrific crimes.
3. That's Our Plan and We're Sticking to It.
From the toppling of the Taliban to the creation of the Homeland Security
Department, September 11 has been used to justify virtually every action
that the Bush administration has taken since. But as with so much concerning
the administration, this is more complicated than it appears. Case in
point: conspiracy theory web sites and later on, mainstream progressive
e-zines have made much hay of the Project for the New American
Century, an extragovernmental pressure group which has long been bent
on conquering Iraq. As far back as 1998, PNAC sent the Clinton administration
a now-notorious letter insisting that the sanction-choked country posed
an imminent danger to the United States. P-Nackers such as conservative
writer Bill Kristol argue that the oil moguls and weapons firms PNAC represents
have long been preoccupied with Iraq out of an abiding humanitarian concern,
but the fact remains that where Iraq is involved, September 11 has not
altered policy so much as it has been used to justify policies that were
already in place.
4. The Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Your Liberties.
Similar stories haunt the USA Patriot Act, which was promoted as a response
to 9-11 but in fact resembles anti-terrorist measures passed following
the Oklahoma City bombing as well as an anti-drug bill that was scuttled
in 2000 for being too "reactionary." The stunning 9-11 attacks
created a more compliant social climate for such harsh measures, so that
after the attacks Congress passed the Patriot Act without even bothering
to read the provisions it had earlier found so untenable.
Different people draw different conclusions from this. Unabashed conspiracy
sites like www.prisonplanet.com speculate that the government deliberately
orchestrated the 9-11 attacks in the hopes that this would drum up support
for war and indoctrinate the American people into willingly abandoning
their freedom. Others such as Gore Vidal make slightly more temperate
accusations, that corruption and real-politik policies left American security
in a dire state of neglect, setting the stage for the attacks. Whoever
is right, it seems clear that although life in America has changed radically
in the wake of 9-11, the plans in the highest levels of the government
have remained oddly unchanged.
5. The War in Iraq Is Not About Oil.
We have noted with relief the assurances of those on high that the Iraq
War has nothing to do with control of natural resources. We can therefore
assume that the following facts, though interesting, are completely irrelevant:
Iraq holds the world's second-largest oil
reserves, and owing to decades of wars and sanctions many of these fields
lie un- or underdeveloped, simply waiting for sufficiently motivated energy
firms to come along and tap them.
As luck would have it, executives from such
firms are exceptionally well-positioned to influence the current administration.
Oil and gas prices in the U.S. are currently
the highest they've ever been, a problem that oil from Iraq is likely
in the coming years to help alleviate.
And finally, the highest priority of the
administration's military forces when they moved into Iraq was to secure
its oil ministry, even as museums and hospitals in Baghdad were being
looted.
6. Bread and Circuses.
For a long time following 9-11, strange facts such as these were rarely
mentioned in the mainstream media. This is no longer true. Anomalies from
the August 6, 2001, Presidential Daily Briefing to the agenda of PNAC
are now common knowledge, but many people seem not to have noticed.
Why this is? Part of the answer probably can be found by looking at the
assumptions underlying the media's coverage of war. Although they will
occasionally cover news items that might damage the U.S. government's
credibility, in general the American media have waxed awfully uncritical
since the cynical days of Vietnam, and particularly since 9-11. For example,
the attack on Afghanistan, which was portrayed as a response to 9-11,
was also presented as a kind of World War II re-enactment in which the
U.S. with its 700 or more military bases in 120 countries worldwide
was cast as a "sleeping giant" in a stunt intended to
link 9-11 and Pearl Harbor. Bush spoke of America, which has engaged in
more than 200 military actions since 1945, as a "peaceful" nation,
but "fierce when stirred to anger." The "axis of evil"
speaks for itself.
Such puffery not only misrepresents the U.S. government as benevolent
in foreign affairs and reluctant to use military force, it also dehumanizes
Islam in American eyes, much as the Japanese were dehumanized in World
War II. It is additionally useful for shaming those who question government
actions, tarring them as a kind of Fifth Column. But the most important
effect of the war on terror/World War II analogy is to create the illusion
of clear lines between good and evil in the current conflict when in fact
those lines, as in Vietnam, are becoming blurrier by the day.
7. What You Gonna Do When They Come For You?
Propaganda of earlier decades is usually pretty easy to recognize. In
hindsight, for instance, most of us can see that the duck-and-cover newsreels
of the 1950s and '60s were selling Americans a bill of goods about the
"survivability" of nuclear war.
But how good are we at recognizing media PR today? Some would say not
terribly at least if the popularity of reality TV is any indication.
From Survivor to Fear Factor, reality shows all ask us to identify with
people whose lives are being captured on camera, often almost continuously.
And they encourage us to think that's okay.
This is happening in the context of an increasingly intrusive surveillance
apparatus in America and Western Europe, where the average city-dweller
can expect to be photographed by closed-circuit cameras anywhere from
a dozen to 73 to 300 times a day. Not many people complain about this,
perhaps at least in part because Big Brother has changed the way Americans
feel about Big Brother. But it's hard to imagine earlier generations accepting
such a state of affairs, weaned as these generations were on novels and
movies 1984, Fahrenheit 451, even Videodrome which warned
that excessive surveillance would spell the end of freedom.
8. Chip Me!
In the finest homesteading tradition, the Jacobs family of Boca Raton,
Florida, has volunteered to plumb a new technological frontier: They have
agreed to have "VeriChips," computerized ID tags about the size
of grains of rice, surgically implanted in their bodies. On May 10, 2002,
their dream was realized. Today the Jacobses constantly emit a low-frequency
hum that's readable with a specialized scanner, which makes their medical
histories accessible in much the way your Shoppers Food Warehouse preferred
customer card allows your cashier to learn, with a single swipe, that
you prefer Charmin.
Implantable chip technology is in its rudimentary stages today; in the
future, more sophisticated chips are likely to be put into your kids as
homing devices to help discourage child abductions; they could serve as
permanent biometric identifiers; still more advanced models might even
be able to monitor your body chemistry and administer precise doses of
psychiatric drugs to regulate your mood.
Despite the Jacobs' enthusiasm, some are less than tickled about this
new technology, particularly since being chipped, like owning a credit
card, will probably someday become a prerequisite to such life necessities
as renting an apartment. Also, once the chip is in your body, you have
precious little say in what the device does. The ramifications of this
are ominous, particularly where chips that administer psychoactive drugs
are concerned. In his conspiracy nightmare "Blueprint for a Prison
Planet," Nick Sandberg sums up the worst-case scenario: "With
implant technology accepted as being part of life in the twenty-first
century," he wonders, "who is going to notice if they no longer
require us to actually program them, but seem to do it without our help,
no longer allowing us access to our true feelings even if we wanted them?"
9. Peak Oil and the End of the World.
Chicken-littlism may well be humanity's oldest avocation. Since the beginning
of what some of us like to call "civilization," doomsayers from
the Muggletonians to the Heaven's Gate cult have frantically and confidently
spoken of the world's imminent demise and each time, they've been
all wet. The latest pessimistic vision of the future regards "peak
oil": the idea that as rising demand for oil outstrips the capacity
of producers to supply it, formerly stable economic systems will be thrown
into disarray, leading eventually to the kind of anarchy foretold in movies
like Mad Max.
One would hope peak oil is a hand-wringing fantasy on a par with the survivalist
craze that accompanied Y2K. But there are some facts in favor of the peak
oil agitators: a recent, stubborn rise in gas prices, with little relief
in sight; the ominous fact that the world's total oil production declined
in 2001 and 2002, and rose in 2003 by only .5 percent, while demand rose
by nearly 2 percent; and the otherwise inexplicable war in Iraq
which, though a political liability in the short run, is likely in the
long haul to yield the U.S. virtually unending supplies of oil just when
the peak oil theorists claim it's going to start getting quite scarce.
If the peak oil theory is right, the Iraq war, terrible though it is,
will be remembered like the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand
or the Nazi invasion of Poland as a mere prelude to a much bloodier
affair. According to proponents like Kenneth Deffeyes and Colin Campbell,
the coming decline in oil supplies will trigger privations in seemingly
unconnected economic sectors. Industrial agriculture, for instance, depends
heavily on oil and so much of the world's population will face starvation
in a future of dwindling fossil fuels. Many oil-peakers speak of a coming
"die-off," as the world population adjusts to the resources
available to it by perishing in the billions from war, famine,
exposure, and civil unrest.
10. Life After the Fall.
The peak oil theory has been around for some time now, so some people
have thought long and hard about its consequences. Such folks include
new-urbanists like Jane Jacobs who forecast that Americans will
see fewer lengthy commutes and more self-sustaining local communities,
as higher prices at the pump obviate automobile addiction in the U.S.
and more pessimistic "anticivilization" thinkers like
Internet scribe Ran Prieur and Richard Heinberg, who foresee a future
in which a much smaller populace ekes out a spartan but sustainable existence,
feeding largely off the detritus of late capitalism's industrial-sized
excesses and marveling at the degree of this generation's waste. Conventional
wisdom holds, somewhat vaguely, that alternative power sources such as
hydrogen or nuclear power will come along at the last minute to rescue
the West from such a fate. But the anticivilization thinkers have worked
long and hard to imagine the consequences if no such alternative is found.
It's worth noting that the world they envision is one in which many people
live today. It resembles, for instance, the privations of Sadr City
the now-famous ghetto of Baghdad where running water is unreliable and
raw sewage flows in the streets or the arid countryside of Sudan,
where political upheaval has displaced a million people and the prospect
looms of another Rwandan-style genocide, complete with the same indifference
from the supposedly humanitarian West.
In The Soft Cage, a book on the rising surveillance state in America,
Christian Parenti quotes Slovenian writer Slavoj Zizek regarding 9/11.
Writing of that horrifying taste of third-world violence in the first-world
streets of America, Zizek sardonically welcomes Americans to "the
desert of the real." "The point," Parenti explains, "is
not to justify the crimes of 9/11," but instead to awaken Americans
to the reality that "the world is a brutal, vicious place and that
America is deeply implicated in its worst aspects." In other words,
even if the well-to-do in the West can somehow avert the fate that the
peak oil theorists predict, for peoples around the globe the end of the
world is now and this has been true for a long time.
Mike Ward is a contributor to PopMatters.
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